Central Land Council

Rose Report One

National Parks, Conservation Areas and Tourism

Introduction

Central Australia is one of the major foci for tourism on the Australian continent. It is also generally unappreciated that almost all current tourist destinations in central Australia are registered sacred sites. The degree of control which Aboriginal people have over management and access to these areas varies considerably with different land tenure situations. Where these areas are incorporated into designated national parks, conservation areas or reserves, the role of Aboriginal people in management depends largely on the approach taken by the management authority. Uluru (Ayers Rock-Mt Olga) National Park is located on Aboriginal land held under inalienable freehold title by the Uluru – Kata Tjuta Land Trust. The Park is managed by a Board with an Aboriginal majority, and day to day management is undertaken by the Australian National Parks and Wildlife Service which leases the land from the traditional Aboriginal owners. The other national parks in the central Australian region are held by the Conservation Land Corporation which is the land holding body of the Conservation Commission of the Northern Territory (CCNT).

These include the Finke Gorge, Ormiston Gorge, Simpsons Gap and Watarrka (Kings Canyon) National Parks. Management of these areas and a number of other conservation reserves, historical reserves, nature parks and protected areas is carried out by the CCNT. The purpose of national parks and conservation areas is to set aside sites of special physical, biological or cultural significance to ensure that management appropriate to the long term use and enjoyment of these areas is instituted. The form that this management takes depends on the nature of the resources around which the park is based, and on the uses of the these resources which are considered appropriate. There is currently expanding pressure from tourism and conservation groups for the declaration of further areas as parks. There are, however, a number of conflicts which arise between the ideals of conservation management and the use of land for tourism. Aboriginal groups view the mounting pressures of tourism and conservation with a degree of concern.

Both tourism and conservation represent potential threats to Aboriginal people as they have the potential to undermine Aboriginal control over their land. However, both tourism and conservation have some positive aspects. There is the potential for involvement in the tourism industry with employment and economic benefits, and the access to assistance for conservation oriented management such as feral animal control across broader areas of Aboriginal freehold land.

Aboriginal land management and conservation

The conservation movement has long regarded Aboriginal people as the "original conservationists". When Europeans came to Australia the environment and the Aboriginal inhabitants were in a state of balance which had developed and existed for an extended period of time. This extended period of symbiosis was seen as sustainable management of the environment and resources.

The lack of significant recognisable modification of the environment (from and agricultural perspective) reinforced the view that Aboriginal practices had conserved the natural system. The resource management systems of Aboriginal people often have outcomes that are analogous to those desired by conservation interests. However, it is important to recognise that the motives and conceptual underpinnings for Aboriginal and conservation practices are very different. Aboriginal land use involves a range of activities from subsistence food gathering to the maintenance of religious and cultural responsibilities to land which have no equivalent in the dominant western culture or language.

Traditional Aboriginal resource use in central Australia was based on a hunter-gatherer lifestyle. The production of food and resources depended on their availability through the different seasons and the methods which could be used to access them. Albrecht (1979) points out that the hunter-gatherer world view was based on what western society would call religion and ritual. Aboriginal people "believed that through ceremonies they were able to influence those creative ancestors to continue their work of bringing into being those plants, vegetable foods and animals which they needed to sustain life". The beliefs of the Arrernte people, traditional owners for Mbantua (Alice Springs), which intimately link ritual to the land and its resources are documented by Strehlow.

Patterns of resource use were closely tied to the natural productivity of the land and the relationships between neighbouring groups of people and their rights to exploit the resources of an area. Within and between groups of Aboriginal people rights to resource use resulted in a cell-like structuring across the country which was reinforced by symbolic relationships between people and the supernatural attributes they ascribed to their territories. Strehlow points out that the need to periodically visit areas of cultural significance for ceremonial activities also has important implications for the pattern of resource use. The fact that many of these areas were only accessible in good seasons led to utilisation of the resources when they were available, and at the same time, country around permanent waters was given a chance to recover. Strehlow also draws attention to the fact that each land owning clan group had a major sacred site (or pmara kutata) where it stored its sacred objects, around which no hunting or gathering of food was permitted.

These areas which encompassed some of the "finest water-holes of the Macdonnell Ranges" provided inviolable sanctuaries for wildlife during drought times. Following such droughts the surrounding countryside would be restocked with animals from these areas, taking advantage of the new growth which would rapidly result. Researchers have cited the existence of areas excluded from resource gathering, and the fact that the killing and eating of totemic plants and animals was considered taboo at certain times and by certain people, as evidence for the existence of sound conservation principles in traditional Aboriginal land management. While some form of conservation would be likely to result from such practices the assertion that these practices amount to sound conservation principles is imposing a western interpretation upon the nature of the relationship between Aboriginal people and their environment.

It is important to recognise that the basis for Aboriginal "conservation" practices is in religious and ritual observances. The rationale for these practices is defined in terms of responsibilities to totemic beings and maintaining cultural heritage which is supported and in turn supports the relationships within a group of people and between the extant people and their totems. The differences in conception and rationale for Aboriginal and conservation practices are real and often lead to conflicting management aspirations. An example which serves to highlight the different perceptions of Aboriginal and conservation interests is the notion of wilderness. To western society wilderness is typically seen as; "an enduring natural area protected by legislation and of sufficient size to protect the pristine natural environment which serves physical and spiritual well-being. Wilderness is an area where little or no persistent evidence of human intrusion is permitted so that natural processes will take place largely unaffected by human intervention. As previously discussed in this report the Australian environment which we have come to know as "wilderness" was shaped and controlled by human influence over many thousands of years.

The environmental influences of traditional Aboriginal land use activities, such as use of fire as a management tool, have been discussed and documented from a western scientific perspective. The flora and fauna which was present when Europeans first arrived in Australia was the result of Aboriginal influences over an extended period of time. From this perspective it has been seen as desirable that management for "conservation" in the arid zone should correspond with traditional Aboriginal management practices.

Such views have only relatively recently been reflected in definitions of the notion of wilderness to include clauses such as "substantially undisturbed by colonial and modern technological society" to further qualify the definition. The notion of resource use which western society holds and the resultant possibility of not using those resources and thereby "conserving" them is largely based on the world view that the environment has a "use value" whether that use is for monetary benefit or for "conservation use". In the Aboriginal view the worth or value of all aspects of the environment is based on intrinsic value, not necessarily, and certainly not only, in relation to its use to humans.

The differences in aspirations between Aboriginal and European land managers stem from these different ways of viewing the world. There is a need to recognise that the Aboriginal world view has an essential role to play in properly conserving what is clearly an Aboriginal environment. However, it should be borne in mind that the motives which underlie the desire for conservation management, and the basis for Aboriginal management practices are different and they will continue to be a source of conflict where these differences are not understood.

Management of parks and conservation areas

The involvement of Aboriginal people in the management of parks in the Northern Territory is greater than elsewhere in Australia. This is a direct result of the land rights legislation under which Aboriginal people in the NT can gain inalienable freehold title on the basis of traditional ownership. However, of the national parks in the Central Land Council region only Uluru National Park is actually held as inalienable freehold land under the Commonwealth Aboriginal Land Rights (NT) Act 1976. The grant of the land in this case was made following the passage of the Aboriginal Land Rights (NT) Amendment Act 1985 and the National Parks and Wildlife Conservation Amendment Act 1985 which set in place the new procedures necessary to lease the park back to the director of the Australian National Parks and Wildlife Service (now the Australian Nature Conservation Agency) and to establish the board of management for the park.

Strehlow also draws attention to the fact that each land owning clan group had a major sacred site (or pmara kutata) where it stored its sacred objects, around which no hunting or gathering of food was permitted. These areas which encompassed some of the "finest water-holes of the Macdonnell Ranges" provided inviolable sanctuaries for wildlife during drought times. Following such droughts the surrounding countryside would be restocked with animals from these areas, taking advantage of the new growth which would rapidly result.

Researchers have cited the existence of areas excluded from resource gathering, and the fact that the killing and eating of totemic plants and animals was considered taboo at certain times and by certain people, as evidence for the existence of sound conservation principles in traditional Aboriginal land management. While some form of conservation would be likely to result from such practices the assertion that these practices amount to sound conservation principles is imposing a western interpretation upon the nature of the relationship between Aboriginal people and their environment.

It is important to recognise that the basis for Aboriginal "conservation" practices is in religious and ritual observances. The rationale for these practices is defined in terms of responsibilities to totemic beings and maintaining cultural heritage which is supported and in turn supports the relationships within a group of people and between the extant people and their totems. The differences in conception and rationale for Aboriginal and conservation practices are real and often lead to conflicting management aspirations.

An example which serves to highlight the different perceptions of Aboriginal and conservation interests is the notion of wilderness. To western society wilderness is typically seen as; "an enduring natural area protected by legislation and of sufficient size to protect the pristine natural environment which serves physical and spiritual well-being. Wilderness is an area where little or no persistent evidence of human intrusion is permitted so that natural processes will take place largely unaffected by human intervention. As previously discussed in this report the Australian environment which we have come to know as "wilderness" was shaped and controlled by human influence over many thousands of years.

The environmental influences of traditional Aboriginal land use activities, such as use of fire as a management tool, have been discussed and documented from a western scientific perspective. The flora and fauna which was present when Europeans first arrived in Australia was the result of Aboriginal influences over an extended period of time. From this perspective it has been seen as desirable that management for "conservation" in the arid zone should correspond with traditional Aboriginal management practices.

Such views have only relatively recently been reflected in definitions of the notion of wilderness to include clauses such as "substantially undisturbed by colonial and modern technological society" to further qualify the definition. The notion of resource use which western society holds and the resultant possibility of not using those resources and thereby "conserving" them is largely based on the world view that the environment has a "use value" whether that use is for monetary benefit or for "conservation use". In the Aboriginal view the worth or value of all aspects of the environment is based on intrinsic value, not necessarily, and certainly not only, in relation to its use to humans. The differences in aspirations between Aboriginal and European land managers stem from these different ways of viewing the world.

There is a need to recognise that the Aboriginal world view has an essential role to play in properly conserving what is clearly an Aboriginal environment. However, it should be borne in mind that the motives which underlie the desire for conservation management, and the basis for Aboriginal management practices are different and they will continue to be a source of conflict where these differences are not understood.

anagement of parks and conservation areas The involvement of Aboriginal people in the management of parks in the Northern Territory is greater than elsewhere in Australia. This is a direct result of the land rights legislation under which AborigiMnal people in the NT can gain inalienable freehold title on the basis of traditional ownership. However, of the national parks in the Central Land Council region only Uluru National Park is actually held as inalienable freehold land under the Commonwealth Aboriginal Land Rights (NT) Act 1976.

The grant of the land in this case was made following the passage of the Aboriginal Land Rights (NT) Amendment Act 1985 and the National Parks and Wildlife Conservation Amendment Act 1985 which set in place the new procedures necessary to lease the park back to the director of the Australian National Parks and Wildlife Service (now the Australian Nature Conservation Agency) and to establish the board of management for the park. The only other park in the region to which the Aboriginal traditional owners have title is Tnorula (Gosse Bluff), approximately 170 km. west of Alice Springs.

This park is held as a grant in freehold to the Tnorula Aboriginal Corporation under NT legislation. This grant was made on the condition that the land would be leased back to the Conservation Land Corporation (the land holding arm of the CCNT). There is provision that there will be a majority of representatives from the Tnorula Aboriginal Corporation on the Local Management Committee, however, unlike the Uluru situation, this committee has advisory powers only. The title to Watarrka (Kings Canyon) National Park is also held by the Conservation Land Corporation, however, three small residential living areas were granted to traditional owners under NT freehold title.

Management of Watarrka and the other national parks, conservation areas and reserves is carried out by the CCNT with varying amount of Aboriginal representation on local management committees. Traditionally national parks have been defined as areas precluding human occupation and where the signs of human use of, and influence over, the landscape are minimal. These concepts of what a national park should be can be seen to stem from the so called "Yellowstone model" which has been seen as the ideal against which other national parks have been compared.

The parks in the NT function under a broader definition than the traditional Yellowstone model with Aboriginal people retaining rights to forage both in the national parks on Aboriginal land, and those which are not on Aboriginal land. Aboriginal management objectives are now beginning to be incorporated into park management plans, and the involvement of Aboriginal people as rangers, and interpreters of culture and landscape is also reported as increasing. A variety of issues arise from the different approaches to land use between traditional park management authorities and Aboriginal people in parks.

Aboriginal people resident in parks continue to use many traditional resources but access to these resources has changed with the introduction of modern weapons for hunting and vehicles for access. Unfortunately there is limited evidence about the effects of Aboriginal foraging activity on the natural resources in parks. A recent study in the Kimberley which examined subsistence resource use in the park context concludes that "studies conducted over many years are required to determine the ecological consequences of subsistence related activities".

Similarly, the economic and employment value of foraging activities for Aboriginal people in national parks is not widely appreciated, with some studies indicating that they contribute up to 50% of income, and represent around 70% of productive work effort. It is apparent that the impacts of Aboriginal people on parks varies significantly and it is unlikely to be possible to define these impacts on anything but a case by case basis. The interaction of Aboriginal and conservation interests over endangered species management highlights different perceptions of the issues .

Dramatic species losses from the arid lands have had a great impact on the diet and resources of Aboriginal people. Introduced species such as the rabbit have in some cases replaced the species which were traditionally staple components of the diet. Ecologists' attempts to control rabbits in land rehabilitation programs and in programs to re-introduce native species may actually disadvantage Aboriginal groups who would lose a valuable food resource. At the same time, however, Aboriginal knowledge is being used by ecologists to develop their understanding of the arid zone.

The long oral history of the people on the land can provide valuable indications of the dynamics of species interactions and the influences of introduced animals and land management practices on the biology of native species. One of the major pressures on the environment in parks is the concentration of large numbers of tourists. The impact of tourist numbers tends to be concentrated around the sites of significance which attracted people to the park initially, and around camping and accommodation facilities. Control of tourists is a resource intensive management problem, but the presence of high numbers of tourists in an area is usually allied to increased revenue coming from the park providing increased resources to achieve the required level of management. At present this is only directly applicable to the Uluru situation where revenue is raised from park entry fees.

Where Aboriginal priorities are on the management agenda tourist access to sites of Aboriginal significance can also be controlled. An example is the restriction on photography and tourist access to parts of Kata Tjuta (the Olgas) and Uluru. However, there remain some difficulties instituting control over tourist access to all of the sites of spiritual significance at Kata Tjuta, largely because of lack of park management resources. At Uluru National Park an Aboriginal majority on the board of management ensures that these sorts of issues are addressed.

In situations where Aboriginal input to management priorities are less formally sanctioned, such as in Watarrka, there is further potential for discontent with management practices. There remain a number of difficulties in organising the structure of management and decision making in areas where there are both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal interests. On Aboriginal land, management agreements for conservation areas remain difficult to negotiate. An example is the proposed management agreement over conservation areas in the Tanami Desert. Prior to the Tanami becoming Aboriginal land portions if this area were proclaimed as a wildlife sanctuary on the basis of their size, relatively undisturbed nature and the presence of rare wildlife species. The status of the wildlife sanctuary lapsed when it became Aboriginal land. Discussions between the CCNT, the CLC and various Aboriginal groups concerning the development of conservation areas in the desert have occurred but no agreements have been able to be negotiated. The difficulties appear to stem from higher political incompatibilities rather than problems of management or involvement of people on the ground.

Indeed despite the lack of a formal agreement CCNT officers continue to work in the area on the mala (Rufous Hare-wallaby) breeding and re-introduction program, assisted by local Aboriginal people. Examples of difficulties in reaching mutually beneficial agreements appear to be common in the Northern Territory. Land Council files record that the NT Government is prepared to go to great lengths to frustrate the rights of Aborigines through the legal process. Such hindrances to due process for expressing valid Aboriginal interests and concerns continue to occur in relation to national park management. In the past there was little recognition in the broader society that Aboriginal knowledge should be incorporated into the body of knowledge which informs the way we manage land. There are some indications that this issue is being addressed, however there remains a long way to go.

Environmental impacts of Tourism

Based on the current growth in tourist numbers it has been calculated that by the year 2000 there will be over 2 million visitors annually to the NT from both overseas and domestic sources. This number would represent an increase of some 240% on current visitor levels and will result in significant changes in the pattern and direction of tourism in the Territory. Direct visitor pressure The result of having tourists enter into particular environments is manifest in a number of ways. The construction of tracks and roads to allow access, and the concentration of vehicles around particular sites disturbs vegetation cover and soil and can precipitate erosion problems. This form of disturbance also results from off-road driving by recreational four wheel drive vehicles. These problems are particularly acute where there is poor planning of the location of roads, and where deterioration of the road surface can promote the use of adjacent land thus spreading the problems further. Where tourist numbers are particularly high there can be considerable pressure from people visiting sites of interest.

As tourist destinations tend to be particular points on the landscape such as sites of particular scenic beauty, the pressure of direct access is usually concentrated and generally decreases with distance away from the site. Increased access may also facilitate the entry or spread of weeds, resulting in displacement of native plant species. Impacts on the environment around camp-sites is manifest in a similar way with wood for camp-fires becoming increasingly scarce leading to collection from further and further away.

These problems can be reduced where there are sufficient resources, for example rangers in parks or conservation areas who can maintain a supply of wood for campers to reduce wood collection around more fragile habitats. Indirect visitor pressure There are a number of indirect effects of tourist presence in the central Australian environment. Exposure to Aboriginal culture is seen as a significant aspect of the tourist experience in central Australia.

In an examination of the economic aspects of the tourism industry in the NT Altman states that the only area in which Aboriginal people appear have a monopoly in the tourism sector is in the manufacture of Aboriginal material culture for sale to tourists. Studies which may serve to quantify the contribution of artefact production to community income have not as yet been undertaken. Cane & Stanley suggest that the growth in tourism should provide artefact producers with a growing income but that this activity is unlikely to become a substantial proportion of cash income coming into the community. Nonetheless, the requirement for raw materials for artefact production has become a significant contributor to resource use and consequent environmental degradation around some outstations and communities.

Social and cultural impacts of tourism

Tourism has the potential to compete with a number of other land uses. In the park situation the promotion of "wilderness" areas and the opportunity for tours and exploration have the potential to infringe on Aboriginal privacy and upon remote areas which Aborigines had previously had to themselves or considered sacrosanct. A range of impacts on Aboriginal society will come from the steady increase in tourist pressure and the perceived benefits which can be derived from this industry. Further impacts are likely from the expansion of Aboriginal involvement with the tourism industry. The impacts of tourism on Aboriginal culture are perhaps most acutely focused on Anangu at Uluru National Park because of the high visitor numbers and the relatively long period of Aboriginal exposure to tourist activity. The income provided from employment, a percentage of park entry fees, and the sale of goods and artefacts to tourists has given Anangu the ability to upgrade their community infrastructure and improve access to goods and services. The results of this income have also had negative effects such as an increase in alcohol abuse and the attendant social disruption.

The economic benefits of tourism with increased availability of vehicles and some improvement of local roads have been of benefit to Anangu through increasing mobility, which is an important aspect of Anangu life. International examples of indigenous cultures involvement with tourism focus on the negative consequences such as weakening of traditional cultural values. The willingness of indigenous cultures to change their traditions to fit in with tourist demands is, however, quite variable. Examples of Aboriginal involvement with tourism tend to indicate that there is little willingness on behalf of Aboriginal people to consciously change their way of life to fit in with the desires of the tourist market. At several locations Aboriginal people have begun to develop tourist enterprises for economic benefit.

At Ipolera, an outstation west of Hermannsburg, an Aboriginal family has been involved in tourism since 1987. Ipolera now provides campground facilities and cultural tours interpreting features of the landscape and Aboriginal life to tourists. This venture is now supported by the Northern Territory Tourist Commission who organise bookings etc. At Watarrka, local Aboriginal people have also organised several cultural tours including a sunset tour, bush tucker tour, and tours explaining aspects of pre-contact Aboriginal culture. While tours are market oriented many are conducted in Aboriginal language with interpreters. Local people suggest that Aboriginal culture remains very strong and that the information given at these tours merely provides a glimpse of that culture as there are a great many things which cannot be shared with the public. Passing cultural information to the public is taken very seriously and done with great care.

A number of economic spin-offs from the increase in tourism are affecting lifestyles and access to goods and services. There are opportunities for employment as rangers with conservation bodies or in other areas of the tourism industry. At present these opportunities are not great as tourist operators tend to employ staff from other areas, and Aboriginal people's desire to fit into western type jobs is limited. The involvement of Anangu with the ANCA at Uluru goes some way to dealing with these problems. Aboriginal workers have time off from their duties for cultural activities and there is a degree of flexibility in the management of cultural tours so that jobs can be shared between a pool of people which ensures that the tours can continue. Increasingly Aboriginal groups are becoming involved in enterprises associated with tourism such as the Frontier Resort Lodge at Watarrka, and service enterprises such as the road-house at Mt Ebenezer, which is now owned by the Imanpa community. Where once outside groups ran such enterprises Aboriginal groups are beginning to reap some benefits and in turn will have a greater influence over the nature of future development and how it effects Aboriginal life. The Alice Springs college of TAFE has begun a tourism training course for Aboriginal people which provides the opportunity to gain the necessary skills to successfully manage such ventures.

The CLC is now developing a tourism strategy aimed at effective policy, planning and representation processes that are both responsive to the current situation and iterative, therefore enabling continuing action.

Summary

Considerable areas of Aboriginal freehold land are seen to be of high conservation value. Aboriginal and conservation interests have the potential to conflict over a wide range of issues. This potential exists largely because of the different land use objectives and aspirations which are held by these groups. Aboriginal knowledge is increasingly being examined and incorporated into conservation management regimes. Aboriginal people retain significant interests in the management of land held under non-Aboriginal title as national parks and conservation areas. Despite this Aboriginal involvement in the management of conservation areas is low. Land use pressure from tourist activity can have significant impact on conservation values. Tourism across central Australia places localised pressure around the biological and scenic resources which often also coincide with sites of significance for Aboriginal people. Indirect effects from tourism extend beyond localised regions as increased pressure is placed on outstation resources for the production of artefacts for sale. These negative effects must be weighed against the positive economic benefits that increasing involvement in the tourist industry may bring. Aboriginal subsistence activities have an impact on local resources which warrant further research efforts. Subsistence related activities such as fire management are likely to enhance conservation goals.