Kinship and Skin Names

The kinship system is a feature of Aboriginal social organisation and family relationships across Central Australia. It is a complex system that determines how people relate to each other and their roles, responsibilities and obligations in relation to one another, ceremonial business and land. The kinship system determines who marries who, ceremonial relationships, funeral roles and behaviour patterns with other kin.

Today there are increasing numbers of ‘wrong skin’ marriages, in which people who would traditionally be prevented from marrying become partners. A result is that families are attempting to accommodate the contradictions that this presents for the kinship system. However, there are some rules which are adhered to, in particular certain ‘avoidance relationships’, especially that between a mother-in-law and a son-in-law. This relationship requires a social distance, such that they may not be able to be in the same room or car. Be sensitive to the signals that alert one to this situation, for example being told that there is ‘no room’ in a car or a building when there appears to be sufficient ‘space’.

Aspects of this system of social organisation differ between regions. This is seen in the so-called ‘skin system’, a method of subdividing the society into named categories which are related to one another through the kinship system.

A moiety system (i.e. division into two groups: ‘sun side’ and ‘shade side’) exists across the region. Most language groups also use a section or subsection system with four to eight ‘skin names’. An individual gains a ‘skin name’ upon birth based on the skin names of his or her parents, to indicate the section/subsection that he/she belongs to.

Alternatively, the Pitjantjatjara, for example, are classified into moiety groups – ngana nt arka (lit. we-bone) ‘our side’, and tjanamilytjan (lit. they flesh) ‘their side’ (Goddard 1996) – but don’t use skin names.

You will notice in the chart below that the same skin names are spelled differently across different languages and dialects, eg. Warlpiri, Warumungu, Pintupi-Luritja and Pintupi.

This is simply because different symbols have been used in the different languages for writing particular sounds. So the spellings for skin names varies according to the region. If you are writing skin names, try to use the standardised spellings for the area concerned.

Notice that the skin names starting with the letter J (in Warlpiri) or Tj (in Western Desert dialects) denote males, and those starting with N denote females. These skin names can be used as personal identifiers like a first name in English. Skin names can also be used to refer to someone who is absent and whose identity is understood by the context.

Aboriginal people may have a number of names. For example, a person may have a European first name and surname, a bush name, a skin name and maybe even a nickname. Personal names are used less than by English speakers and people are often referred to indirectly or by reference to their skin names, for example ‘that Nangala’ (see Turpin 2000). In some community institutions such as clinics, skin names have been used in a manner similar to a surname. This can be a source of confusion if a range of ad hoc spellings is used.

If you want advice on these matters, then get the help of a local speaker who is literate, or a linguist or someone else who has made an effort to learn about these things.

Early contact relationships with non-Aboriginal people were rather uncomfortable for Aboriginal people since it was unheard of for a person not to be ‘something’ (i.e. not to have a skin classification).

Thus the practice emerged of non-Aboriginal being given skin names. Some non-Aboriginal people have mistakenly believed that this is a sign of acceptance by the people. It is truer to say that it is a mechanism Aboriginal people have employed to make their dealings with non-Aboriginal more comfortable for themselves, even though non-Aboriginal, through their ignorance, continually give offence under this system.

More recently, people have generally come to understand that non-Aboriginal have ‘nothing’ and are regarded as ‘free’ from any kinship commitments of the kind that govern Aboriginal society. (Heffernan and Heffernan 1999:160)
 

	Eastern/ Central Arrente	Kaytetye	Eastern Anmatyerr	Alyawarr	Warumungu	Warlpiri	Pintupi Luritja	Pintupi	Ngaanyatjarra
Skin	Peltharre	Kapetye	Petyarr	Apetyarr					Purungu
male		Tyapalye			Jappaljarri	Japaljarri	Tjapaltjarri	Tjapaltjarri
female		Ngalyerre			Nappaljarri	Napaljarri	Napaltjarri	Napaltjarri
Skin	Pengarte	Pengarte	Pengart
male		Tyapeyarte			Jappangardi	Japangardi	Tjapangati	Tjapangati
female		Ngampeyarte			Nappangardi	Napangardi	Napangati	Napangati
Skin	Kemarre	Kemarre	Kemarr	Akemarr					Karimarra
male		Tyakerre			Jakkamarra	Jakamara	Tjakamarra	Tjakamarra
female		Watyale			Nakkamrra	Nakamarra	Nakamarra	Nakamarra
Skin	Ampetyane	Ampetyane	Ampetyan						Milangka
male		Mpetyakwerte			Jamin	Jampijinpa	Tjampijtinpa	Tjampijtinpa
female		Tyamperlke			Nampin	Nampijinpa	Nampijtinpa	Nampijtinpa
Skin	Penangke	Penangke	Penangk
male		Tyaname			Jappanangka	Japanangka	Tjapanangka	Tjapanangka
female		Ngamane			Nappanangka	Napanangka	Napanangka	Tjapanangka
Skin	Kngwarraye	Kngwarraye	Kngwarray	Kngwarrey					Tjarurru
male		Tywekertaye			Jungarrayi	Jungarrayi	Tjungarrayi	Tjungarrayi
female		Ngapete			Namikili	Nungarrayi	Nungarrayi	Nungarrayi
Skin	Perrurle	Pwerle	Pwerle	Apwerle					Panaka
male		Tywelame			Jupurla	Jupurrula	Tjupurrula	Tjupurrula
female		Ngamperle			Narurla	Napurrula	Napurrula	Napurrula
Skin	Angale	Thangale	Ngal						Yiparrka
male		Tyangkarle			Jangala	Jangala	Tjangala	Tjangala
female		Ngangkarle /Ngale			Nangala	Nangala	Nangala	Nangala

• Prepared by Inge Kral (2002) from Henderson and Dobson 1994:43; Heffernan and Heffernan 1999:159; Turpin 2000:121; Lizzie Ellis pers.comm.) 1 The male and female terms are mainly applied to children

Warumungu diminutives	Warlmanpa	Mudburra	Wambaya	Jingulu
Ngapita Jukkurtayi	Namurlpa Jungurra	Namija Jimija	Ngabida Nurlanyama	Nimi-nginju Jimi-nginja
Ngalyirri Japalyi/Japalya	Napaja Japaja	Nalyirri Jalyirri,(jabalyi	Balyarrinya Balyarrinji	Naalyarri-nginju Jaalyarri-nginja
Ngamana Janama	Napanangka japanangka	Ngamana (Nanaku) Janama	Niyinama Jiyinama	Naani-nginju Jaani-nginja
Ngamparti Japparti	Napangarti Japangarti	Nangari Jangari	Bangarinya Bangarinji	Nangari-nginju Jangari-nginju
Ngampija Jampilka	Nampijinpa Jampijinpa	Nambijinba Jambijinba	Yakamarrina Yakamarri	Nabijin-nginju Jabijin-nginju
Ngangkala Jangkarli, Jakkarla	Nangala Jangala	Nangala Jangala	Nangalama Jangalama	Nangali-nginju Jangali-nginju
Wajala Jakarra	nakama Jakama	Nimarra Jabarda, (Jimarra)	Niyamarrama Jiyamarrama	Nimrri-nginju Jamirri-nginju
Ngampula Julama, Jula	Napula Jupula	Nawurla Jula	Nurrulama Juralama	Naali-nginju jurli-nginju

(Part of a chart prepared by Rebecca Green, NT DEET linguist)

Media coverage

Arrernte country singer Warren H Williams questions skin names given to non-Indigenous people

References

* Breen, G. (2000) Introductory Dictionary of Western Arrernte . Alice Springs : IAD Press.
* Collins B. (1999) Learning Lessons: an independent review of Indigenous education in the Northern Territory . Darwin : NT Department of Education.
* Goddard, C. (1996) Pitjantjatjara/Yankunytjatjara to English Dictionary . Alice Springs : IAD Press.
* Green, J.(1984) A Learner’s Guide to Eastern and Central Arrernte . Alice Springs : IAD Press.
* Hale, K. (1995) An Elementary Warlpiri Dictionary . Alice Springs : IAD Press.
* Hansen, K.C. and L.E. (1992, 3 rd Ed.) Pintupi/Luritja Dictionary . Alice Springs : IAD Press.
* Heffernan, J. and Heffernan, K. (1999) A Learner’s Guide to Pintupi-Luritja . Alice Springs : IAD Press.
* Henderson, J. and Dobson, V. (1994) Eastern and Central Arrernte to English Dictionary. Alice Springs : IAD Press.
* Hoogenraad, R. (2001) 'Critical reflections on the history of bilingual education in Central Australia '. In J. Simpson, D. Nash, M. Laughren, P. Austin and B. Alpher (Eds) Forty years on: Ken Hale and Australian Languages . Canberra : Pacific Linguistics.
* Hoogenraad, R. (2000) The history of Warlpiri education and literacy in the context of English and alphabetic writing. Unpublished manuscript.
* Hoogenraad, R. (1997) On writing and pronouncing Central Australian Aboriginal Languages. Unpublished manuscript.
* Hoogenraad, R and Thornley, B (2003) The jukurrpa pocket book of Aboriginal Languages of Central Australia and the places where they are spoken. IAD Press, Alice Springs
* IAD Language Map (2002), Alice Springs
* Kral, I. (2002) An Introduction to Indigenous Languages and Literacy in Central Australia Alice Springs: Central Australian Remote Health Development Services (CARHDS)
* Laughren, M., Hoogenraad, R., Hale, K., Granites, R.J. (1996) A Learner's Guide to Warlpiri . Alice Springs : IAD Press.
* Nathan, P. and Leichleitner Japanangka, D. (1983) Settle Down Country – Pmere Arlaltyewele. CAAC: Kibble Books.
* Papunya School (2001) Papunya School Book of Country and History . Sydney : Allen and Unwin.
* Richardson, Nicholas (2001) Public Schooling in the Sandover River Region of Central Australia during the Twentieth Century – A critical historical survey. Unpublished Masters Thesis – Flinders University of South Australia .
* Turpin, M (2000) A Learner's Guide to Kaytetye . Alice Springs : IAD Press.
* Yuendumu School Staff (2002) Yuendumu Two-Way Learning Policy 2002.